Regent Forum delivers thought leadership in the areas of geo-political insight and evangelical civic engagement -- availing the "mind of Christ" resident in His people, from every walk of life, for every sphere of influence.

Wednesday, December 15, 2004

Peace on earth requires more than a cessation of hostilities. Real peace (with God and man) begins by acknowledging what's true and repenting of our waywardness.

In a perfect world, that's the way things would operate. But for the duplicitous and unrepentant, sometimes we need to apply a little coaxing in the form of -- indictment and conviction. For a case in point, this month we focus on the world's chief diplomatic body, the UN, where their motto suggests we're "united for a better world" -- but their methods involve graft and corruption.

Next, and not to be outdone by other ambitious challenges, we consider a refreshing new idea for resolving the intractable problems between Israelis and Palestinians -- with a roadmap to peace that takes a different approach. Here, we may have finally proferred a solution that appeases both heaven and earth.

And finally, we consider the unrelenting assault upon America's Christian heritage each Christmas. With parity and multiculturalism the goal, everyone is welcome but the Christ child.

But don't be discouraged by the absurdity of it all...These bizarre arrangements will soon give way to the Prince of Peace. And "of the increase of His government and peace there will be no end." (Isa 9:7)

Roy Tanner


Come Clean, Kofi
The U.N. secretary-general ducks responsibility on Oil for Food scam.

BY CLAUDIA ROSETT

With estimates soaring of graft and fraud under the United Nations Oil for Food program in Iraq, we are hearing a lot about the need to "get to the bottom" of this scandal, the biggest ever to hit the U.N. To get to that bottom will need a much harder look at the top--where Secretary-General Kofi Annan himself resides.

That violates all sorts of taboos. But so, one might suppose, does a United Nations that allowed Saddam Hussein to embezzle at least $21.3 billion in oil money during 12 years, with the great bulk of that sum--a staggering $17.3 billion--pilfered between 1997-2003, on Mr. Annan's watch.

These are the record-breaking new estimates released Monday by the Senate's Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, whose staffers, despite Mr. Annan's refusal to cooperate, have spent the past seven months voyaging deep into the muck of Oil for Food. At a hearing Monday, these investigators surfaced to tell us the theft and fraud under Oil for Food was at least twice as bad as earlier reports had suggested, and that all this is just a preview of yet more appalling disclosures they expect to release early next year. Sen. Norm Coleman, the subcommittee's chairman, underscored the urgency of such investigations, noting not only that the size of the fraud "is staggering," but that some of Saddam's vast illicit stash might right now be funding terrorists and costing American lives.

Mr. Annan, by contrast, seems to inhabit a different universe--one in which the chief problem lies not in the U.N.'s complicity, including his own, in the biggest fraud in the history of humanitarian relief, but rather in the attempts to shine any light on all that sleaze. In Annan Land, there was earlier this year no need for any probe into Oil for Food; and even now there is no need for any investigating beyond the U.N.'s own "independent inquiry" into itself, led by former Fed chairman Paul Volcker, required to funnel its findings first through Mr. Annan, funded to the tune of $30 million out of one of the old Oil for Food accounts it is supposed to be investigating, and not planning to clock in with any specific results until sometime next summer.

In the spirit of shooting the messenger, Mr. Annan has complained often in recent months about criticism of Oil for Food, denouncing it as a "campaign" that has "hurt the U.N." Monday's Oil for Food hearing evoked from Mr. Annan's spokesman, Fred Eckhard, the comment that Mr. Annan feels he has been "misjudged by certain media" and that Mr. Annan is "not being obstructionist" in his refusal to cooperate with congressional investigators. We are given to understand that Mr. Annan would help if he could, but his job entails so many over-riding responsibilities.

OK, except that when it comes to Oil for Food, Mr. Annan has labored hard in recent months to disavow his own large role and responsibilities. From both Mr. Annan and the entourage of U.N. speechwriters and spokesman who report to him have come a long series of disclaimers and protests, eye-catching less for what they tell us than for what they leave out.

Just last week, we had Mr. Annan's director of communications, Edward Mortimer, asserting in a letter to The Wall Street Journal that Mr. Annan was "not involved" in designing Oil for Food. Technically, it may be correct that Mr. Annan did not actually seal the original deal. But Mr. Annan's own official U.N. biography states that before becoming secretary-general, he "led the first United Nations team negotiating with Iraq on the sale of oil to fund purchases of humanitarian aid"--and that implies a certain familiarity with the origins of Oil for Food.

Once Mr. Annan became secretary-general, he lost little time in getting deeply involved with Oil for Food. In October 1997, just 10 months into the job, he transformed what had begun as an ad hoc, temporary relief measure into the Office of the Iraq Program, an entrenched U.N. department, which reported to him directly--and was eliminated only after the U.S.-led coalition, against Mr. Annan's wishes, deposed Saddam. To run Oil for Food, Mr. Annan picked Benon Sevan (now alleged to have received oil money from Saddam, which he denies) and kept him there until the program ended about six years later.

Mr. Annan's reorganization of Oil for Food meant a nontrivial change in the trajectory of the program. All the signs are that Saddam immediately took the cue that he could now start gaming the program with impunity--and Mr. Annan did not prove him wrong. Within the month, Saddam had created the first crisis over the U.N. weapons inspectors, who were supposed to be part of the sanctions and Oil for Food package. Mr. Annan's response was not to throttle back on Oil for Food but to go before the Security Council a few months later and urge that Baghdad be allowed to import oil equipment along with the food and medicine to which the program had been initially limited. This set the stage for the ensuing burst in Saddam's oil production, kickbacks, surcharges and smuggling.

Mr. Annan then flew to Baghdad for a private powwow with Saddam and returned to declare that this was a man he could do business with. The weapons inspectors returned to Iraq for a short spell, but by the end of 1998, Saddam had evicted them for the next four years. Mr. Annan, however, went right on doing business. And big business it was, however humanitarian in name. Under the Oil for Food deal, Mr. Annan's Secretariat pulled in a 2.2% commission on Saddam's oil sales, totaling a whopping $1.4 billion over the life of the program, to cover the costs of supervising Saddam. Yet somehow the Secretariat never found the funding to fully meter oil shipments, ensure full inspections of all goods entering Iraq, or catch the pricing scams that by the new estimates of Senate investigators let Saddam rake in $4.4 billion in kickbacks on relief contracts.

Mr. Annan and his aides would also have us believe that Oil for Food had nothing to do with Saddam's smuggling of oil--which generated the lion's share of his illicit income. But it was only after Oil for Food geared up that Saddam's oil smuggling really took off, totaling $13.6 billion during his entire 12 years between wars, but with more than two-thirds of that--an estimated $9.7 billion--earned during the era of Oil for Food. Those were precisely the years in which Mr. Annan repeatedly went to bat to enable Saddam, under Oil for Food, to import the equipment to rebuild Iraq's oil infrastructure, whence came all that smuggled oil.

Transparency from the start might have flagged the world and stopped the scams as things turned deeply rotten under Oil for Food. But Mr. Annan's policy to this day has been secrecy. On Monday, Sen. Coleman summed up his subcommittee's efforts to get at the truth, as having required so far, eight subpoenas, 13 chairman's letters, "numerous interviews with key participants, and receipt of over a million pages of evidence" to begin to understand "the behind-the-scenes machinations of the participants in the Oil for Food program."

"Participants" are generally understood to have been Saddam's chosen contractors. But we need to recognize that one of the biggest of those contractors was, in effect, the U.N. itself. As Oil for Food was not only designed but expanded, embellished upon and run for more than six years under Mr. Annan's stewardship, it became not so much a supervisory operation, but a business deal with Saddam, in which the U.N. in effect provided money laundering services, the Secretariat collected a percentage fee from Saddam--and somewhere in there, between the kickbacks, surcharges, importation of oil equipment and smuggling out of oil, they jointly ran a storefront relief operation.

Who at the U.N. took illicit money from Saddam--if, indeed, anyone did--is an important question, and worth pursuing. But so is the matter of who covered up for Saddam; who pushed to continue and expand a program so derelict that it failed to nab more than $17 billion in illicit deals, and so secretive that investigators have spent much of the past year trying simply to get their hands on information the U.N. should have made public at the time. It is worth asking whose welfare was enhanced, whose domain was expanded, whose coffers filled with $1.4 billion delivered as a percentage cut of Saddam's oil revenues--and who has failed to this day to take on board the thumping lessons about the need for transparency at the U.N.

That would be Mr. Annan. He is not protecting the U.N. At great cost to whatever noble aspirations the U.N. once had, and to all societies that value integrity over Potemkin institutions, he is protecting himself.

Ms. Rosett is a fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies and the Hudson Institute. Her column appears here and in The Wall Street Journal Europe on alternate Wednesdays.



Radical new plan for Mideast peace
Israeli movement builds for Arab population transfer

© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com

There's a new peace plan gaining support in Israel that has nothing to do with making land concessions to Arabs, negotiations with Yasser Arafat, extending the Oslo Accords or creating a new Palestinian state.

Instead, the seven-point Elon Peace Plan represents a radical departure in Israeli thinking over the last 12 years.

Named for Benny Elon, the relatively small Moledet Party's leader and a member of the Knesset, the new peace plan calls for transferring Arabs from the West Bank and other areas to what Elon calls the "existing state of Palestine" – the nation of Jordan.

Polls show between 20 and 30 percent of Israelis ready to back such a plan.

In an exclusive interview with WorldNetDaily Editor Joseph Farah, Elon said such a population transfer is not unusual in modern world history, nor is it immoral to contemplate.

"The solution is moral for both Jews, who have no other homeland, for the Palestinians, who have lost the most in the past wars – their homes were damaged and they became refugees," he said. "The world has now reached the understanding that there is no peace in bi-national countries, and that there is an urgent need for separation."

Elon points out that not one Arab leader has agreed to the most far-reaching Israeli offers for a peace agreement – even one carving up Jerusalem and placing part of it in the hands of the Palestinians.

"The state of Israel must demand the relocation of the refugees as a precondition of peace within any future negotiations," said Elon. "We cannot relinquish these lands, and we cannot live peacefully with the Arab population currently living in them. And we cannot succumb to the current, politically correct 'solution' – the creation of an Arab terrorist state, bent on our ultimate destruction and willing to sacrifice its children toward this end."

The seven-point Elon plan calls for:

1) Jerusalem's recognition that Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority, established under the lengthy peace process begin in Oslo in 1993, is the enemy of Israel.

2) The forcible removal of all terrorists and all weapons from the West Bank – or Judea and Samaria, as these lands are called by many in Israel.

3) The nullification of the Palestinian Authority as a legitimate entity and the canceling of the Oslo Accords.

4) The establishment of a cease-fire and negotiations under international auspices to relocate refugees in Arab countries and the dismantling of refugee camps, along with the establishment of a Jordan-Palestinian state with Amman as its capital.

5) Arabs who remain in Judea and Samaria would be offered citizenship in the Jordanian-Palestinian state.

6) Arab citizens of Israel also would be offered such status.

7) If the Arabs of Judea and Samaria breach the terms of the agreement, they would be forcibly deported to the other side of the Jordan River.


Elon is the political successor of late tourism minister Rehavam Zeevi, who was assassinated last year by Palestinian gunmen. He had launched his political career by advocating the voluntary transfer of Arabs to neighboring states.

"The high expectations of Oslo became deep disappointment," explained Elon. "Instead of peace, there has been so much bloodshed. When you look at it, transfer is the only conclusion. It is the only light at the end of the tunnel."

The population of Jordan, Elon points out, is currently comprised of 70 percent Palestinians. That is why he calls it the existing Palestinian state.

"The king of Jordan is well aware of the fact that Arafat is only waiting for the right moment [to make his land claim there]," said Elon. "... After he receives a small state west of the Jordan River, he will do all he can to connect it, under his rulership, to the Palestinian state called Jordan."

Population transfers have occurred repeatedly in modern history – often with success since World War II, Elon and his supporters point out. It is often overlooked and forgotten, they say, that some 850,000 Jewish refugees fled Arab lands since the creation of the new state of Israel in 1948. These refugees, as well as millions from other parts of the world, have been successfully absorbed in the tiny Jewish state, no larger than the state of New Jersey.

In fact, they say, of the 100 million refugees created since World War II, the only group still not resettled is the Palestinian refugee group.

"Instead, these unfortunate people became pawns in the hands of their own Arab leadership," said Elon.
Elon and his party will make a big public relations push on their peace plan in the coming months – both in Israel and in the United States.



The impending death of Christmas?

© 2004 WorldNetDaily.com

The spiritual Grinches in our nation are accelerating their war against Christmas as never before. And they are tragically convincing growing numbers of our fellow citizens – primarily those in our nation's public schools and public administration – that Christmas should be publicly shunned, replaced by nebulous substitutes designed to avoid offending those who are all-so-easily outraged.

But adherents of this colossal effort to create a secular utopia have forgotten two significant realities:

  1. Our founders were men who explicitly embraced Judeo-Christian principles in the founding of this nation. Even those who were Deists openly recognized the need for the citizenry to fall to their collective knees and beseech God's favor. They understood the need to recognize God in our Constitution, in our courts and in our schools.
  2. Our fellow citizens do not want a spiritual sanitization effort to sweep out all vestiges of Christianity from the public square. One need look no further than an AOL poll this week. An astounding 89 percent of respondents (as of Wednesday afternoon) answered in the affirmative to the question, "Should religion be included in public holiday celebrations?"


The so-called mainstream media often portray radical secularists as reasonable individuals, but the people at the American Civil Liberties Union, Americans United for the Separation of Church and State and other such groups are practitioners of an extremist movement that would completely outlaw God, Christianity and any remnant of such from the public arena.

And they are, in many cases, winning this war.

That's why this week the student members of the Columbia High School brass ensemble in Maplewood, N.J., were told they could not play any Christmas-related songs – not even instrumental versions. (We wouldn't want some student or parent to get offended by a wordless tune, would we?)

This is the milieu of outright censorship that many students face today. Their teachers and administrators have become convinced (primarily through fear campaigns by leftist groups) that even the most blurred mention of Christmas would be an outright constitutional offense.

They are wrong. Disastrously wrong!

Other anti-Christmas strategies have gained headlines recently:

  • TARGET will not allow the Salvation Army to collect funds at their stores, meaning that the Army will lost about $9 million this year;
  • Macy's and Bloomingdale's have prohibited the phrase "Merry Christmas";
  • Denver's "Parade of Lights," which has outlawed religious expression, is now considering allowing a Christian group to participate in the event;
  • New York Mayor David Bloomberg now refers to the giant Christmas tree in the city as a holiday tree.

Other examples abound as a few Americans attempt to oust Christmas from the public vernacular. Leaders of religious freedom-based legal groups around the country tell me that during this time of year they see a hefty incursion of anti-religious expression cases.

One of those organizations is the Orlando, Fla.-based Liberty Counsel (which now has a divisional office on the Liberty University campus), which is involved in hundreds of cases each year wherein attorneys protect the rights of Americans to express their faith.

Christmas remains legal

Mathew Staver, founder and general counsel at Liberty Counsel, says that that publicly sponsored Nativity scenes on public property are, in fact, constitutional as long the display includes a secular symbol. The government may publicly exhibit depictions of Mary, Joseph and Jesus or a Menorah if such scenes incorporates the image of Santa Claus or Frosty the Snowman.

In addition, public-school students may sing Christian Christmas carols such as "Silent Night" as long as they also sing secular songs, such as "Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer."

Furthermore, schools may not prohibit access to religious books, because to do so discriminates against the religious viewpoint of the message contained in the book. Public employers may not discriminate against staff by prohibiting Christmas celebration.

Mr. Staver also says that privately sponsored nativity scenes erected and displayed by citizens or groups in a public area are constitutional and require no secular symbols to be included.

"This nation was founded by people who sought to freely exercise their religious liberties," Mr. Staver said. "We have no intention of letting these liberties fall by the wayside or be chilled every holiday season by uninformed or hostile government officials."

Mr. Staver tells me that all 600 of his attorneys are available to provide free legal aid to students or employees around the nation who face religious discrimination. Visit the organization's website for more information on Liberty Counsel.

Other similar religious-freedom legal groups are actively working to protect Americans' rights to express their faith. The task is daunting because leftist organizations are aggressively attempting to redefine America in their own Godless image. They seek a national mandate.

While I celebrate the fact that men like Mat Staver and others are standing up for American values, it is imperative that parents and grandparents ensure that their children understand the Judeo-Christian ancestry that is undeniable. We must also make certain that our children's schools are not gagging their rights to live out their faith in the classroom.

The effort to preserve our religious heritage and future requires the diligence of us all. May we, through God's grace, faithfully safeguard the wonderful Christian birthright of America.

Rev. Jerry Falwell, a nationally recognized Christian minister and television show host, is the founder of Jerry Falwell Ministries and is chancellor of Liberty University in Lynchburg, Va.

Tuesday, November 16, 2004

What do you get when you combine an unrelenting erosion of decency, an obstructionist minority and an activist judiciary -- in an election year?... A populist revolt by the "moral majority" that's tantamount to a second reformation.

While no single event set this in motion, everything from suggestive primetime programming and shock-jocks who push the on-air limits, to defiant city mayors and activist judges that impose their will on the majority -- have combined to create a conservative reawakening of sorts.

Like the sleeping giant in Gulliver's Travels, slumbering "values voters" seem to have shaken-off their fog and spoken-up in a united fashion this year on everything from defense of marriage to demand for movie performances like the Passion of Christ. What's especially troubling for the Left, is the bond that's forming between previously factious people of faith.

Sensing a widespread assault on traditional American values -- the values that history attributes to our greatness as a nation, people of faith have combined to achieve "critical mass" as a voting block. As seen in this year's campaigns, the 2004 election really pitted those who put their trust in government against those who've placed their trust in God.

Garnering over 60 million votes, President Bush won more popular support than any other candidate in the history of the republic. And he's also the first re-elected President since 1936, to add to conservative majorities in both the House and Senate. By any measure, this was a significant mandate -- with conservatives making gains across every demographic group except high-school "drop-outs" and post-doctorates.

Liberals are still in disbelief over the election results, mostly because they're convinced they must be in power to give "our" lives meaning. Listen to their post-election post-mortem and it's apparent the intellectual elite still believe people exist to provide them with power. What they fail to grasp is that -- power exists to provide the people with opportunity.

So this month we drill-down on three major topics. First we examine the "values voters" factor, that seems to have made the difference in the 2004 election. Next we attempt to rally the troops to exorcise the Specter of obstruction, analyzing the peril of granting him power over the judiciary committee. Last, we consider the improving prospects for peace in the Middle East, now that former PLO Chairman Arafat's reign of terror has come to an end.

"There is a time for everything, and a season for every activity under heaven" (Ecc 3:1).

Roy Tanner




'Moral Values' Tops Voters' Concerns
—But What Does It Mean?

Sexual morality probably trumped social justice concerns, say observers.
By Kevin Eckstrom and Michele M. Melendez, Religion News Service

WASHINGTON—Forget Iraq. Forget terrorism. Forget the economy. The biggest factor shaping people's votes Tuesday (Nov. 2) was the mother of all sleeper issues—"moral values."

In nationwide exit polls, one in five voters said moral values were the most important issue in casting their votes, outpacing every other major topic. Those "values" voters overwhelmingly went for President Bush over Sen. John Kerry, 79 percent to 18 percent.

The stronger-than-expected role of moral values signals that the nation's values agenda is likely to be dominated by "social morality" concerns for abortion, gay marriage, and stem-cell research—issues vital to Bush's base. The election also marks a defeat for progressive groups who tried to cast "social justice" concerns of poverty, war, and the environment as moral issues.

Either way, Jim Wallis, a self-described progressive evangelical, said neither blue states nor red states should try to claim a corner on the values market.

"The right wants to say these are the only moral values, the left wants to say only our issues are moral values," said Wallis, convener of the Washington-based Call to Renewal anti-poverty group. "The truth is there are moral values across the spectrum."

Just how did values become so important, especially in a race dominated by terrorist threats at home and abroad? Wallis faulted the Democrats for a self-inflicted wound on abortion. Kerry's party alienated values-driven voters who could have been wooed by his domestic policies but could not stomach his party's ardent support of abortion rights.

In Ohio, for example, where moral values ranked second (behind the economy), Kerry lost among Catholics 55 percent to 44 percent, which may have been enough to swing the crucial state into Bush's column. Wallis said a "more sensible, reasonable and centrist" policy on abortion could have helped Kerry, especially within his own church.

"There are millions of votes at stake in that Democratic mistake," he said.

Conservatives, meanwhile, say the winning formula was a simple one. Bush's embrace of socially conservative values rallied his evangelical base, who turned out in record force for him at the polls.

Part of what got them there, at least in some states, were constitutional amendments to ban gay marriage. Voters who did not favor legal recognition for gay couples broke for Bush by a 2-1 ratio.

"I can tell you this," said Tony Perkins, president of the Washington-based Family Research Council, a conservative group. "It was the values voter that ushered the president down the aisle for a second term."

Values voters were not sequestered in Bush's solid red states. Ohio was narrowly propelled into Bush's column by the 85 percent of voters who ranked values as the second-most important issue. In Iowa, a sought-after swing state, 87 percent of values voters went for Bush. And in Wisconsin, where Kerry eeked out a close win, 82 percent of those whose decision was guided by moral values voted for President Bush.

One reason why values may have emerged as so important is because pollsters did not survey the topic four years ago. John Green, an expert on religion and politics at the University of Akron, said "moral values" can mean different things to different voters. But typically, "When ordinary people think of morality, they think of traditional sexual morality. … They don't think of social justice."

To be sure, other factors such as record-breaking voter registration and anti-war sentiment drew voters to the polls. But if values-oriented voters dominated the pack, Bush had a clear advantage because many of those values are reinforced when those same voters pack churches on Sunday mornings.

According to the exit polls, Bush won handily among frequent church-goers, and pulled even with Kerry among people who attend once a month or less. Bush drew 60 percent of weekly attenders, compared to Kerry's 39 percent, while Kerry led Bush among non-church-goers, 64 percent to 34 percent.

Bush drew 75 percent of white evangelicals, 58 percent of Protestants and 24 percent of Jews, a slight rise from 2000. Kerry had 41 percent of Protestants and 76 percent of Jews. The exit polls, conducted by Edison Media Research and Mitofsky International for major media organizations, did not include Muslim voters.

Among the coveted Catholic vote, Bush held a slight edge nationally over Kerry, 51 percent to 48 percent. Richard Land, president of the Southern Baptists' Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, said Kerry's arms-length relationship with his church came back to haunt him.

"Kerry said, `I will have a secular government, I will not allow my Catholic values to interfere with my public policy,"' Land said. "The president said, `I'm a man of faith and my faith will impact my public policy' and … the American people took Bush's vision over Kerry's."

While Bush's values agenda seems mostly clear cut, the thornier question is what lies ahead for two groups who struggled to employ religious language to shape the values debate—Democrats and religious progressives.

Green, for one, said the challenge for Kerry's party is to develop a language of faith that appeals to values-minded voters. "One of the lessons to the Democratic Party—they need to explore the social justice issues and their connections to faith," Green said.

Wallis, who pushed Kerry to talk more openly about how his faith affects his policies, said it came as "too little, too late." He also said the Democrats need to confront their own inner demons.

"The secular fundamentalism of the left is as much a problem as the religious fundamentalism of the right," he said.

Adelle M. Banks, Itir Yakar and Wangui Njuguna contributed to this report.
Copyright © 2004 Christianity Today.




The Specter of Obstruction


In his recent address to the Federalist Societys' 2004 National Convention, Senate Majority Leader Frist shared his deep concerns over the practice of using filibuster. His remarks frame-in an environment that chokes-off progress with a deliberate strategy of obstruction.

Couple this practice with (information below on) the potential nomination of Arlen Specter for Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee...and you'll understand why conservatives are taking a stand against both the method and the man...

According to Frist:

The Senate must be allowed to confirm judges who fairly, justly and independently interpret the law.

The current Minority has filibustered 10 -- and threatened to filibuster another 6 -- nominees to federal appeals courts. This is unprecedented in over 200 years of Senate history. With the filibuster of Miguel Estrada, the subsequent filibuster of 9 other judicial nominees, and the threat of 6 more filibusters, the Minority has abandoned over 200 years of Senate tradition and precedent.

This radical action presents a serious challenge to the Senate as an institution and the principle so essential to our general liberty -- the separation of powers. It would be easy to attribute the Minority’s actions to mere partisanship. But there is much more at work. The Minority seeks nothing less than to realign the relationship between our three branches of government.

This filibuster is nothing less than a formula for tyranny by the minority. The President would have to make appointments that not just win a majority vote, but also pass the litmus tests of an obstructionist minority. If this is allowed to stand, the Minority will have effectively seized from the President the power to appoint judges.

Never mind the Constitution. Never mind the separation of powers. Never mind the most recent election – in which the American people agreed that obstruction must end. The Senate cannot allow the filibuster of circuit court nominees to continue. Nor can we allow the filibuster to extend to potential Supreme Court nominees.

One way or another, the filibuster of judicial nominees must end. The Senate must do what is good, what is right, what is reasonable, and what is honorable. The Senate must do its duty. And, when we do, we will preserve and vindicate America’s founding principles for our time and for generations to come.


The Committee of Committees
by the FRC

There has been some question as to why the battle over the Senate Judiciary Committee chairmanship is so important for social conservatives. It comes down to the simple fact that the chairman of a committee controls the schedule, staff, and philosophy of the committee. The Judiciary Committee is of critical importance because it is there that federal judges, nominees to the Supreme Court, and nominees for the position of attorney general are vetted and given or denied a vote before the full Senate. The chairman, in setting the schedule and agenda for the committee, can also stop legislation from moving to the full Senate.

The prospect of Chairman Specter in the Judiciary Committee is a real and present threat to pro-life judges and to pivotal legislation like the marriage amendment. A constitutional amendment on marriage is best served by going through the Senate Judiciary Committee, and a Chairman Specter could wield enough power to obstruct its passage or significantly help its passage. We know Arlen Specter is hostile to pro-life judges, and he has said that he would have voted against the marriage amendment earlier this year if given the opportunity. The committee is simply too important for the issues that won elections last week to put in Specter's control. Let the committee know you want a different chairman.

Take Action Now: Stop Sen. Arlen Specter! The "Value Voters" are letting their voices be heard on Capitol Hill on the prospect of Sen. Arlen Specter becoming the new chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee. Phone lines to the Senate are overwhelmed. Senators are reporting thousands of calls! They are getting a strong message that the voters who returned the President to office and gave Republicans solid control of the U.S. Senate do not want an obstructionist blocking the President's judicial nominees or imposing a pro-abortion litmus test. Just one day after the great election victory of President Bush, Sen. Specter warned the President against nominating pro-life judges. President Bush may have the chance to fill perhaps three vacancies on the Supreme Court in the next four years, including a replacement for Chief Justice William Rehnquist. We must not allow Sen. Specter to determine the make-up of our courts.

The Judiciary Committee will vote in the next few weeks on who will be its chairman. Please take a minute now to tell at least one member of the Judiciary Committee that you don't want Sen. Specter to become Chairman. FRC has provided a one-click email process below as well as a sample letter that you can copy and paste into your email.

Just click on any or all members below to send your important message.

Click here to email Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K23

Click here to email Senator Saxby Chambliss
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K21

Click here to email Senator John Cornyn
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K22

Click here to email Senator Larry Craig
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K20

Click here to email Senator Mike DeWine
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K17

Click here to email Senator Lindsey Graham
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K19

Click here to email Senator Chuck Grassley
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K15

Click here to email Senator Orrin Hatch
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K14

Click here to email Senator Jon Kyl
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K16

Click here to email Senator Jeff Sessions
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=LK04K18


Sample Letter

For the subject line paste: Stop Specter

I am deeply troubled by Sen. Arlen Specter's record on judicial nominees.

He opposed Judge Robert Bork, Jeff Sessions and others because of his pro-abortion litmus test. Should he be allowed to chair the Senate Judiciary Committee, he could stop President Bush from appointing judges to the federal courts that fit the President's judicial philosophy.

Senator Specter clearly has not shown proper judgment for the chairmanship of the Judiciary Committee.


In closing, Mathew Staver, President and General Counsel of Liberty Counsel stated, “Arlen Specter must be removed from the Senate Judiciary Committee. Although Specter tried to back away from his public remarks about not appointing Justices who would overturn Roe v. Wade, we need an advocate who can weather the battle over the next appointment to the U.S. Supreme Court.

We certainly don’t want a muted neutral party, and we won’t accept an adversary. Specter needs to learn the lesson which Tom Daschle learned the hard way – ‘Listen to the values espoused by your constituents, or lose your job.’”


PLEASE FORWARD THIS TO FRIENDS AND FAMILY, AND ASK THEM TO TAKE ACTION TODAY!




'Help' That Isn't
by Amir Taheri
New York Post
November 15, 2004


With Yasser Arafat now in the other world, pressure is certain to grow on President Bush to become directly involved in a problem that British Premier Tony Blair has described as the most urgent issue of international politics today.

Bush, however, should think twice before he plunges into an adventure that has caused quite a bit of trouble for all presidents since Harry Truman.

There are three important points to understand before making any move on the Palestinian issue.

The first concerns Arafat. While there is no doubt that Arafat's duplicitous character and inherent opportunism were major obstacles to peace, it would be wrong to blame him exclusively for the lack of progress towards peace.

When the crunch came at the end of 2000, Arafat could not accept what the Israelis offered while the Israelis were not prepared to offer what Arafat wanted — a blanket acceptance of the right of return for Palestinian refugees and their descendants.

Palestinians now living outside the historic Palestine may now number around 6 million. The prospect of their return would, theoretically at least, amount to a recipe for changing Israel's nature as a Jewish state.

Arafat knew that no Israeli government would be able to accept something that amounted to an invitation to political suicide. At the same time, the Israelis knew that Arafat could not go tell 6 million people scattered all over the world to abandon their dream of return — a dream that most know is unrealizable, but cherish nonetheless.

What did all that mean? It meant neither Israel nor the Palestinians were psychologically or politically prepared for peace.

Both sides spoke of a "just peace" or a "peace of the brave." But peace becomes problematic as soon as we attach an adjective to it.

A child of war, no peace can ever be just. Every peace bears the mark of its unjust origin in some way. "Peace of the brave" is also nonsensical. The brave do not make peace; they go on killing one another on their way to Valhalla or wherever it is that fallen heroes assemble.

Peace is either imposed by the victor or negotiated by cowards who seek the possible rather than the ideal. In either case, there is no place for justice.

Despite years of negotiations and the signing of numerous accords, there is no evidence that either the Palestinians or the Israelis are prepared to accept a peace that might appear unjust to both. Arafat's passing is unlikely to change that fact.

There is also no evidence that greater U.S. involvement would change that fact. President Jimmy Carter, for example, devoted nearly half of his term to the issue. Yet his Camp David accords did not produce peace, but only an official recognition of the "no war, no peace" situation that had been in place since 1967.

In fact, the war that Camp David was supposed to terminate continues on different fronts. It is fought in classrooms, newspapers and books, on television, in cyberspace and in mosques, and through attacks on resorts hosting Israeli tourists.

A majority of Egyptians and Jordanians do not feel they are at peace with Israelis — a majority of whom reciprocate the feeling.

For his part, President Clinton spent more time on the Palestinian issue than on any other. As noted above, he failed because neither side was prepared for peace. And until that changes, there is little than any outsider can do.

The solution to the Palestinian problem cannot be imposed from the outside or from above. It must come from the inside and from below.

In fact, one reason why this problem has continued for so long is that it has attracted intervention by outsiders from the start. Arab states adopted the conflict as a "national cause" which, in practice, meant outsiders would decide the fate of the Palestinians.

This meant that successive generations of Arab despots could play hero at the expense of the Palestinians. They would make fiery speeches and get the applause while the Palestinians went on dying. Palestine became a pan-Arab problem, thus achieving greater complexity by absorbing a variety of other considerations that had nothing to do with the issue itself.

Israel, too, was adopted as a cause, first by France and, after 1965, by the United States. That, coupled with the fact that most Arab states, and the Palestinians, sided with the Soviet bloc gave the conflict an additional Cold War dimension that further complicated matters.

Outside intervention is not always beneficial. History is full of examples of conflicts that continued beyond their natural term because of it. Sometimes, the parties to the conflict feel that, with powerful outside backers, they no longer need to swallow the bitter pills necessary for peace. In other cases, they become pawns in a game that they neither control nor understand.

Inflating the importance of a conflict could also make finding a peaceful solution more difficult. If the parties to the conflict are convinced that their little quarrel is the most important issue facing humanity, they are that much less likely to be amenable to painful compromises — without which there can be no peace.

What we need is a measure of deflation for this Palestine-Israel issue. With respect to Blair, this is not the greatest or even the most urgent issue facing humanity. The whole of historic Palestine covers an area that is 1 percent of Saudi Arabia. It has no natural resources of any importance, and does not even register on the radar of international trade.

When it comes to compassion, this conflict is a fairly minor one. Even recently, we've witnessed greater tragedies in the former Yugoslavia, Chechnya, Sudan, Rwanda, and Algeria. Right now Thailand is building a real wall, much longer and higher than the Israeli fence, as a shield against its Muslim minority.

Bush's intervention would raise the profile of the dispute once again, thus, paradoxically, making a solution that much more difficult. The Israelis and the Palestinians must be pressed to assume their own responsibilities — which means doing their own peacemaking, just as they have been doing their own war-making and suicide-bombings.


Sunday, October 24, 2004


If given a choice between the devil we know, or the devil we're not too sure of, which one would you vote for? To hear it told from our equally divided and highly partisan electorate, these labels pretty well sum-up the sentiment on the choices we're presented with come November 2nd.

The gravity of the presidency though, requires that we strip away the partisan rhetoric and align ourselves with either the party platform or candidate positions that most closely approximate our worldview. This way we can avoid being too myopic in focusing on just the daily news cycle, or overly concerned about superficial items. That said, when it comes to guiding principle or ideology though -- having the wrong guy at the helm for the next four-years may result in the "end of the world" as we know it.

During the next term for example, analysts virtually guarantee that America will confront a nuclear capable Iran and North Korea (the remaining "axis of evil") to thwart proliferation among some very unsavory actors. And whether we can summon the national will necessary to keep the ideology of global terrorism on the defensive, will also be determined on November 2nd. Last but not least, two or more Supreme Court justices will be retiring next term, and the appointment of their replacements will have a far-reaching affect for sanctity of life policy and traditional marriage in this country -- for a generation.

With all these weighty issues at stake, maybe we should take a closer look at that "devil we don't know." But how is it, that after 24 months of campaigning, John Kerry is still defining himself to the electorate? And why is it that the liberal media has given Senator Kerry a virtual pass when it comes to his 20-year career in public office? While there are precious few bills (i.e. a total of 5) that bear his name over this period, it's his liberal ranking in the Senate that gives conservatives the most cause for concern -- because the present "centrist" campaign rhetoric, doesn't align with the ideological pattern that emerges from his previous voting record.

So to cut through the nuance and ever-changing policy positions of this pillar of ambivalence, this month we'll take a closer look at the ramifications of a Kerry presidency, as it relates to U.S. foreign and domestic policy. To accomplish this, we've selected insightful work, from three leading conservative writers, that exposes John Kerry for being the artful dodger that he is, as well as some sobering analysis of the liberal mind-set that gave rise to Kerry's credible shot at being leader of the free-world.

Be careful what you wish for America -- you may just get it.

Roy Tanner



The Kerry Nightmare
By William Tucker

Last night I had the strangest dream. I guess it was a nightmare, really. I remember most of it, except how it ended.

First I dreamed Kerry won the election. That wasn't so bad in itself. He seemed Presidential enough for the job. He had a dignified bearing, spoke well, didn't mangle his phrases. People were weary after four years of uncertainty under George Bush and ready to try something new.

Kerry started off well. On January 22, in a burst of world optimism, he went to the U.N. and laid down his mea culpa. America had gone it alone too long, he said. We were ready to cooperate with the rest of the world. The General Assembly gave him a 15-minute standing ovation. His speech was cheered wildly in cities from Paris to Berlin to Peshawar. A new day had dawned. Peace was at hand.

The only concrete result that came out of his U.N. visit, however, was that Poland decided to accelerate its troop withdrawal, already scheduled for 2005. Other allies said that since Kerry was throwing in the towel, they were going to leave sooner than later as well. Everyone but Great Britain packed up and headed home. Meanwhile, Kerry visited France and Germany to hold long talks with President Chirac and Chancellor Schroeder. The main outcome, however, was that they told him Iraq was his problem and wished him well. Meanwhile, terrorists in Iraq stepped up their operations.

By the time President Kerry got back from Europe, things had taken a turn for the worse. Both Sunni and Shi'ite leaders announced that, despite the January election of Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, both now regarded his victory as illegitimate. Democracy was a foreign system that America was trying to impose on the Muslim world. Both recommended a return to the Ummah, with religious leaders at the helm. Since each sect claimed to the rightful heirs of Mohammed, each claimed the right to the position.

The opposition became bolder. Several suicide bombers penetrated the Green Zone and American casualties started to rise. With our allies pulling out, our soldiers were also required to take over key positions in the South. Suddenly we found ourselves stretched way too thin. Rioting broke out in several cities of the Sunni Triangle.

All the pretty plans of the campaign were evaporating and President Kerry now found himself facing the basic contradiction of his position. Was Iraq the wrong war at the wrong place and the wrong time? Or were we actually undermanned? For two long weeks, Kerry mulled the problem while fierce debate was waged in Congress. Half of Kerry's constituency called for a pullout and peace demonstrations took place in New York and Washington. Many Democrats in Congress said our troops were endangered, however, and call for a draft.

Kerry solved the problem by going to the United Nations. A high level conference was arranged in Baghdad with all sides attending. A truce was called and for three weeks an international panel debated the issue. Finally, it was decided that 140,000 American troops would be given safe passage out of the country. They would leave in an orderly fashion and then Iraqis would continue to meet under U.N. supervision to decide how they would govern themselves.

Like the Indians watching the British march out of Fort William Henry, however, once the terrorists saw their enemies defeated they could not restrain themselves. Before the American soldiers had even begun to pack their bags, they were under daily attack. General fighting broke out in several cities, even as the U.N. panel continued to meet. Then a suicide bomber rammed the home of Prime Minister Allawi and killed him. The elected government collapsed. Civil war broke out between Sunni and Shi'ite militias, both claiming religious authority, while the Kurds withdrew completely, declaring their own state.

Like so many a President before him, John Kerry found himself at the mercy of events. All the pretty plans of his election campaign -- the diplomacy, the conferences with our allies -- were forgotten. Suddenly he was a commander-in-chief trying to rescue a stranded army.

Events didn't wait. Now convinced that America was abandoning the Middle East and no longer content to watch Iran develop a nuclear weapon that in two years would be able to hit Jerusalem, the Israelis sent a fleet of F-16s to drop bunker-busting weapons on three nuclear complexes at Bushehr, Natanz, and Arak. Rioting broke out in every Middle Eastern capital. Terrorists streamed into Baghdad from every direction. Syrian and Egyptian armies prepared for a retaliatory attack against Israel.

That's when I woke up.

I've been walking around in a cold sweat all day thinking about these things. But that's silly, I suppose. After all, it was only a dream. The American people couldn't possibly elect John Kerry President, could they?

William Tucker is a frequent contributor to The American Spectator and a contributing writer to the American Enterprise.



The Therapeutic Choice
A war for our lives, or a nuisance to our lifestyle?
by Victor Davis Hanson
National Review Online


Americans are presented with a choice in this election rare in our history. This is not 1952, when Democrats and Republicans did not differ too much on the need to stay in Korea, or even 1968 when Humphrey and Nixon alike did not wish to withdraw unilaterally from Vietnam. It is more like 1972 or 1980, when a naïve McGovern/Dukakis worldview was sharply at odds with the Nixon/Reagan tragic acknowledgement of the need to confront Soviet-inspired Communism. Is it to be more aid, talk, indictments, and summits — or a tough war to kill the terrorists and change the conditions that created them?

Mr. Kerry believes that we must return to the pre-9/11 days when terrorism was but a “nuisance.” In his mind, that was a nostalgic sort of time when the terrorist mosquito lazily buzzed about a snoring America. And we in somnolent response merely swatted it away with a cruise missile or a few GPS bombs when embassies and barracks were blown up. Keep the tribute of dead Americans low, and the chronic problem was properly analogous to law-enforcement’s perpetual policing of gambling and prostitution. Many of us had previously written off just such naïveté, but we never dreamed that our suspicions would be confirmed so explicitly by Kerry himself.

In the now-lost age of unperturbed windsailing and skiing, things were not all that bad before al Qaeda overdid it by knocking down skyscrapers and a corner of the Pentagon — followed by George Bush’s commensurate overreaction in Afghanistan and Iraq that brought on all the present messy and really bothersome cargo of IEDs, beheadings, and promises of dirty bombs to come. The Taliban and Saddam were, of course, bad sports. But really, going all the way over there to topple them, implant democracy, and change the status quo of the Middle East? Tsk, tsk, tsk — well, that was a bit much, was it not?

Terrorist killing, like the first World Trade Center bombing or the USS Cole, certainly was not seen as the logical precursor to 9/11 — the expected wages of a quarter century of appeasement that started with the weak Carter response to the Iranian hostages and was followed by dead soldiers, diplomats, and tourists about every other year. No, these were “incidents” like 9/11 itself — “law-enforcement” issues that called for the DA, writs, and stern prison sentences, the sort of stuff that barristers like Kerry, Edwards, Kennedy, and McAuliffe handle so well.

This attitude is part of the therapeutic view of the present struggle that continually suggests that something we did — not the mass murdering out of the Dark Age — brought on our present bother that is now “the focus of our lives.” We see this irritation with the inconvenience and sacrifice once more reemerging in the Atlantic Monthly, Harpers, and the New York Times: We, not fascists and Islamist psychopaths, are blamed for the mess in Iraq, the mess in Afghanistan, the mess on the West Bank, and the mess here at home, but never credited with the first election in 5,000 years in Afghanistan or consensual government replacing autocracy in the heart of the ancient caliphate.

Sometimes our problems arise over our past failure to chastise the Russians over Chechnya. Or was it not enough attention to Mr. Arafat’s dilemmas? Or maybe we extended prior support for corrupt sheiks? All that and more — according to rogue CIA “experts,” best-selling authors, and the omnipresent Richard Clarke — earned us the wrath of the Islamists. Thus surely our past transgressions can be alleviated by present contrition, dialogue, aid, and policy changes of the European kind.

To all you of the therapeutic mindset, listen up. We can no more reason with the Islamic fascists than we could sympathize with the Nazis’ demands over supposedly exploited Germans in Czechoslovakia or the problem of Tojo’s Japan’s not getting its timely scrap-metal shipments from Roosevelt’s America. Their pouts and gripes are not intended to be adjudicated as much as to weaken the resolve of many in the United States who find the entire “war against terror” too big, or the wrong kind, of a nuisance.

Instead, read the fatwas. You hear not just of America’s injustice in Palestine or Chechnya — not to mention nothing about saving Kuwait, Bosnia, Kosovo or Afghanistan of the 1980s — but also of what we did in Spain in the 15th century and in Tyre, Gaza, and Jerusalem in the 12th. The mystery of September 11, 2001, is not that it happened, but that it did not quite happen when first tried in 1993 during Bill Clinton’s madcap efforts to move a smiling Arafat into the Lincoln Bedroom and keep our hands off bin Laden. Only an American with a JD or PhD would cling to the idea that there was not a connection between Group A Middle Eastern terrorists who attacked the WTC in 1993 and Group B who finished the job in 2001.

A Kerry presidency, we know now, will go back to the tried and true institutions so dear to the therapeutic mind that please the elite and sensitive of our society. How silly that most Americans are about through with the U.N. Indeed, we Neanderthals want it relegated to something like the Red Cross tucked away at the Hague, if not on the frontlines in Nigeria or Bolivia. Yes, we dummies have seen enough of its General Assembly resolutions aimed at the only democracy in the Middle East, its promotion of rogue states such as Syria, Cuba, Iran, and Libya to human-rights watchdogs, its corrupt Oil-for-Food program, and its present general secretary and his role in nepotism and sweet-heart contracts at the expense of the Iraqi people. No surprise that a shaken perpetual-president Hosni Mubarak is calling for a U.N. conference on terror with wonderful Arab League logic: ‘You kill Jews on your own soil, good; you kill them on mine and lose me money, bad.’

The artists, musicians, and entertainers have also railed against the war. In the therapeutic mindset, the refinement and talent of a Sean Penn, Michael Moore, Al Franken, Bruce Springsteen, or John Fogerty earn respect when they weigh in on matters of state policy. But in the tragic view, they can be little more than puppets of inspiration. Their natural gifts are not necessarily enriched by real education or learning. Indeed, they are just as likely to be high-school or college dropouts and near illiterates, albeit with good memories, voices, and looks. The present antics of these influential millionaire entertainers should remind us why Plato banished them — worried that we might confuse the inspired creative frenzies of the artisans with some sort of empirical knowledge. But you can no more sing, or write, or act al Qaeda away than the equally sensitive novelists and intellectuals of the 1930s or 1940s could rehabilitate Stalin.

And then there are the new green billionaires who no longer worry about the struggle to make any more money, much less about state, federal, and payroll taxes that can eat up half of a person’s income. A George Soros may have made his pile by trying to destroy the British financial system, but now he wishes to leave the world safe for currency traders to come by defeating George Bush. The up-from-the-bootstraps struggle to create the dough for the Heinz fortune is a century past and forgotten — thus the post-capitalist Teresa in her private jet and John Kerry on his $500,000 power boat can lecture us about Americans’ shameless oil profligacy and George Bush’s blood for oil gambit in Iraq.

Our mainstream media also cannot quite believe we are at war with evil people who wish us dead — something like the crises that have faced all civilizations at one time or another. Instead, to ponder Rathergate or the recent ABC memo advocating bias in its reporting is to fathom the arrogance of the Enlightenment, and the learned’s frustration with those of us less-gifted folk who don’t quite wish to follow where they lead us. Such anointed ones have taken on the burden of saving us from George Bush and his retrograde ideas. After all, who believes that anyone would really wish to reinstate a mythical caliphate, a Muslim paradise of sharia, gender apartheid, and theocracy spreading the globe through Islamic nukes and biological and chemical bombs? How one dimensional and unsophisticated.

Meanwhile most Americans have already quietly made up their minds. They think the Democratic party is run not by unionists, farmers, miners, truckers, and average folk, but by those rich enough not to have to make a living, and who wish out of either guilt or noblesse oblige to force the dumber upper middle class to be more sensitive, generous, or utopian. Americans also believe Europe has lost its way and is bogged down in a hopeless and soon-to-be scary task of legislating by fiat heaven on earth. We of the tragic persuasion wish them well with Turkey and their unassimilated Islamic populations, but we don’t want our hurtful combat troops there after 60 years of subsidized peacekeeping. Americans also don’t care much about the Nobel prizes anymore — not when a Jimmy Carter is praised after trying to undermine his own president on the eve of war, and not when the most recent peace-prize winner rants on that AIDS is a Western-created germ agent unleashed to hurt Africa but silent about $15 billion in American aid to stop what her own continent is spreading.

John Kerry is probably going to lose this election, despite the “Vote for Change” rock tour, despite Air America, despite Kitty Kelley’s fraud hyped on national media, despite Soros’s MoveOn.org hit pieces, despite Fahrenheit 9/11, despite the Nobel Prizes and Cannes Film Awards, despite Rathergate and ABC Memogate, despite the European press, despite Kofi Annan’s remonstrations, despite a barking Senator Harkin or Kennedy, despite the leaks of rogue CIA Beltway insiders, despite Jimmy Carter’s sanctimonious lectures, despite Joe Wilson, Anonymous, and Richard Clarke — and more. You all have given your best shot, but I think you are going to lose.

Why? Because the majority of Americans does not believe you. The majority is more likely to accept George Bush’s tragic view that we really are in a war for our very survival to stop those who would kill us and to alter the landscape that produced them — a terrible war that we are winning.

When all is said and done, it still is as simple as that.

©2004 Victor Davis Hanson



What John Kerry's America will look like
© 2004 Creators Syndicate, Inc.

This week, I began to think for the first time about what I would write if Sen. John Kerry were elected president in November. But then, I realized I should write that column now. What good would it do to awaken people to the dangers of a Kerry administration after that administration had been elected? Here, then, are a few predictions of what will transpire in the unlikely event John Kerry becomes the most powerful man on Earth.

Major terrorist attacks will occur in the United States. John Kerry clearly does not recognize that the fight against terror must be pre-emptive: No amount of wheedling, cajoling or appeasement will convince Islamo-fascist terrorists not to murder Americans. Terrorists must simply face death or capture, but Kerry operates under an amorality designed by the United Nations and therefore feels that American pre-emption is not an option.

Little on Kerry's resume suggests that his views have changed radically since the 1970s, when he demanded that U.S. troops be sent around the world at the behest of the United Nations. Not only that: If Kerry has his way, the much-maligned but incredibly productive Patriot Act will fizzle, allowing terrorists to roam virtually unhindered throughout the United States.

Gay marriage will become a reality across the country. Passage of a constitutional amendment banning gay marriage has been rejected by the Senate. And with the radical gay-activist agenda moving full steam forward, it seems very likely that the Defense Of Marriage Act will soon be struck down by the courts, forcing states to accept gay marriages from other states.

Even if DOMA is left standing, though, liberal activists are willing to circumvent the law, as they have in San Francisco and New York. What would President John Kerry do to protect the sacred institution of marriage? Nothing. He opposes a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage – and he was one of only 16 senators to oppose the Defense Of Marriage Act, comparing advocates of DOMA to 1960s racists who opposed interracial marriage. Get ready for Mr. and Mr. Smith if Kerry is elected.

Your taxes will rise. If you're a government leech, vote for John Kerry. Otherwise, a vote for John Kerry means more out of your paycheck. Don't buy the Clintonesque political demagoguery that Kerry will sock it to the millionaires while leaving the rest of us untouched. Look at Kerry's Senate record instead.

If you're a member of the middle class, Kerry wants to raise your taxes. If you own stocks or a car, Kerry wants to raise your taxes. If you die or get married, Kerry wants to raise your taxes. Even if you use the Internet, Kerry might want to raise your taxes – he said in 2001 that online taxation would be needed in the near future. Kerry voted against the Bush tax cuts. Kerry has promised a tax increase of $700 billion – and that's a low-end estimate. If he actually fulfills his campaign spending promises, make that estimate closer to $1.7 trillion. Don't be surprised if a Kerry administration transforms economic boom into stagnancy or even recession.

The military will be crippled – again. Like Bill Clinton, Kerry purports to be a military supporter. And, yes, Kerry served his country with honor. But Kerry's actions upon his return to the United States and his efforts on behalf of the anti-military faction of American liberalism are inexcusable. During his tenure in the Senate, Kerry repeatedly voted to cut back the military – in 2003, Kerry voted against $87 billion to support troops in harm's way. He also campaigns for allowing open homosexuals into the military, a move that will surely undermine morale and morality in our armed services. Kerry insists he will strengthen the military, but which John Kerry will show up? If Bill Clinton was any indicator of Democratic "strong" military policy, we're in real trouble.

These are only a taste of what a Kerry presidency would bring. A vastly liberal Supreme Court is not a probability but a virtual certainty. Abortion would be reinstated in the pantheon of leftist government-sponsored programs. Public education will revert to its previously unaccountable status. America's energy resources will not grow, and dependency on foreign oil will remain.

Trial lawyers will have a vocal advocate in the White House – and when health-care costs go up because of unjustified lawsuits, government-run health care will be proposed as a solution. The legal immigration system will not only remain broken; it will be completely destroyed as Kerry encourages more benefits for "undocumented immigrants."

The America portrayed here will be John Kerry's "stronger America." I just pray we do not have to live in it.

Benjamin Shapiro, 20, is a recent graduate of UCLA and the author of the new book, "Brainwashed: How Universities Indoctrinate America's Youth." To find out more about Ben Shapiro, visit the Creators Syndicate website.



Kerry Family Values


Marriage Penalty

Kerry Voted Against Marriage Penalty Relief At Least 22 Times. 1

Sanctity Of Marriage

Kerry Was One Of Only 14 Senators To Vote Against 1996 Defense Of Marriage Act (DOMA), Which Banned Federal Recognition Of Gay Marriage And Same-Sex Partner Benefits. (H.R. 3396, CQ Vote #280: Passed 85-14: R 53-0; D 32-14, 9/10/96, Kerry Voted Nay)

Kerry Praised Massachusetts Civil Unions Ruling, Saying It Called On MA Legislature To "Ensure Equal Protection For Gay Couples." "I have long believed that gay men and lesbians should be assured equal protection and the same benefits - from health to survivor benefits to hospital visitation - that all families deserve. While I continue to oppose gay marriage, I believe that today’s decision calls on the Massachusetts state legislature to take action to ensure equal protection for gay couples. These protections are long over due." (John Kerry For President, "Statement From John Kerry On Massachusetts Gay Marriage Ruling," Press Release, 11/18/03)

Kerry Supports "Access To Pensions, Health Insurance, Family Medical Leave, Bereavement Leave, Hospital Visitation, Survivor Benefits, And Other Basic Legal Protections" For Same-Sex Couples. "John Kerry believes that same-sex couples should be granted rights, including access to pensions, health insurance, family medical leave, bereavement leave, hospital visitation, survivor benefits, and other basic legal protections that all families and children need. He has supported legislation to provide domestic partners of federal employees the benefits available to spouses of federal employees." (John Kerry For President Website, "A Record Of Working On Behalf Of Gay And Lesbian Americans," www.johnkerry.com, Accessed 1/27/04)

Kerry Expressed "Moral Outrage" With Vatican’s Statement On Gay Marriage. "[Kerry] said political concerns are secondary to his moral outrage over Thursday’s Vatican statement on gay marriage. ‘Our founding fathers separated church and state in America. It is an important separation,’ he said. ‘It is part of what makes America different and special, and we need to honor that as we go forward and I’m going to fight to do that.’ Catholics were stunned at the broadside from Kerry, saying he’s sure to draw the ire of some 65 million voting Catholics." (David R. Guarino, "Kerry Raps Pope," The Boston Herald, 8/2/03)

Child Tax Credit

Kerry Voted Against Expanding Child Tax Credit At Least 18 Times. 2

Adoption Tax Credit

Kerry Voted Against Expanding Adoption Tax Credit At Least Seven Times. 3

Abortion

In 1984, Kerry Said He Would Vote Against "Any Restrictions On Age, Consent, Funding Restrictions, Or Any Law To Limit Access To Abortion." (John Kerry As Quoted In "Mass. Senate Candidates Quizzed On Women’s Issues," Sojourner: The Women’s Forum, 6/30/84)

Kerry Received 0% Ranking From National Right To Life Committee For 108th, 107th And 106th Congresses, And 7% Ranking For 105th Congress. (National Right To Life Committee Website, www.nrlc.org, Accessed 1/22/04)

Kerry Is First Presidential Candidate To Ever Be Endorsed By Planned Parenthood Action Fund. "The Planned Parenthood Action Fund endorsed Mr. Kerry yesterday, the first time it has endorsed a presidential candidate. Its leaders said the election was crucial to preserving access to abortion." (Laurie Goodstein, "Vatican Cardinal Signals Backing For Sanctions On Kerry," The New York Times, 4/24/04)

Kerry Says He Personally Believes Life Begins At Conception, But "Article Of Faith" Should Not Translate Into Public Policy. "I am Catholic and have personally always believed life begins at conception, but I have never believed that that is something that should be translated as a matter of faith, an article of faith, into everybody else’s behavior for those who don’t share that faith ..." (Sen. John Kerry, Campaign Event, Des Moines, IA, 1/9/04)

Kerry Claimed Most Catholics Support Roe, And Blames Bishops For Catholics’ Lack Of Adherence To Faith. "John Kerry said he had to ‘represent all the people in my state,’ including Jews and Buddhists. Then the senator repeated what former House Speaker Tip O’Neill apparently once said in front of several thousand priests and several thousand nuns, that 68 percent of them ‘support Roe v. Wade.’ ‘If the bishops can’t do and won’t say anything about that, don’t come to me. You know what I’m saying?’ said Kerry." (Tom Bethell, "It’s The Bishops’ Problem," The American Spectator, June-July 2003)

Partial-Birth Abortion

Kerry Has Voted At Least Six Times Against Banning Partial-Birth Abortion. (H.R. 1833, CQ Vote #596: Passed 54-44: R 45-8; D 9-36; I 0-0, 12/7/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 1833, CQ Vote #301: Motion Rejected 57-41: R 45-6; D 12-35; I 0-0, 9/26/96, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 1122, CQ Vote #71: Passed 64-36: R 51-4; D 13-32, 5/20/97, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 1122, CQ Vote #277: Rejected 64-36: R 51-4; D 13-32, 9/18/98, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1692, CQ Vote #340: Passed 63-34: R 48-3; D 14-31, I 1-0, 10/21/99, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 3, CQ Vote #402: Agreed To 64-34: R 47-3; D 17-30; I 0-1, 10/21/03, Kerry Voted Nay)

Kerry Says, "There Is No Such Thing As A Partial Birth." "Just hours after President Bush signed a law banning what critics of the procedure call ‘partial-birth abortion,’ Senator John F. Kerry declared last night ‘there is no such thing as a partial birth,’ as he and the other Democratic presidential contenders sought the political support of women voters. ... ‘It is a late-term abortion. They have done a very effective job of giving people a sense of fear about it. It’s part of their assault on the rights of women in America. ... There’s nothing partial about their effort to undo Roe v. Wade.’" (Glen Johnson, "Kerry Hits Ban On Abortion Procedure," The Boston Globe, 11/6/03)

Taxpayer-Funded Abortions

Kerry Voted To Allow Federal Money To Be Used To Distribute Morning-After Abortion Pill In America’s Schools. (H.R. 4577, CQ Vote #169: Motion Rejected 41-54: R 6-48; D 35-6, 6/30/00, Kerry Voted Yea)

Kerry Has Voted At Least 25 Times In Favor Of Using Taxpayer Dollars To Pay For Abortions In United States. 4

Parental Consent

Kerry Has Voted At Least Three Times Against Requiring Parental Notification For Minor’s Abortion. 5

Homeland Security

Kerry Led The Fight Against President Bush’s Department Of Homeland Security. 6

Senate Democrats Stalled Homeland Security For 112 Days. (H.R. 5005, Received In The Senate 7/30/02; H.R. 5005, CQ Vote #249: Passed 90-9: R 48-0; D 41-8; I 1-1, 11/19/02, Kerry Voted Yea)

International "Family Planning"

In 1985, Kerry Expressed "Grave Concern" About White House Decision To Withhold Millions From International Planned Parenthood Federation. "I joined 16 of my colleagues in the senate in sending a letter to the White House expressing our grave concern about the recent decision not to provide the International Planned Parenthood Federation [IPPF] with 17 million dollars’ worth of population assistance appropriated in the fiscal year 1985 budget. This action is especially distressing because it comes at a time when several underdeveloped nations in Africa are experiencing famine. First, we are told that IPPF funds are withheld, and now we learn that the U.S. Agency for International Development is holding up money for family planning that might limit the number of babies born into desperate poverty, by not yet providing to the United Nations Fund For Population Activities [UNFPA] the funds appropriated for it." (Sen. John Kerry [D-MA], Congressional Record, 2/6/85, p. S1213)

Kerry "Called On The Catholic Church To ‘Not Be A Barrier’ To Birth Control Worldwide ..." (Anthony Flint, "US Plans Key Role On Population," The Boston Globe, 3/5/94)

In Opposition To President Bush’s Reinstatement Of Mexico City Policy In 2001, Kerry Said "International Family Planning Programs Are In America’s Best Interests." "President George W. Bush, despite his inaugural pleas for unity, yesterday plunged into one of the nation’s most bitterly divisive fights, banning federal funds for groups providing abortion counseling overseas. ... Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), a strong abortion rights supporter, said Bush’s ban will have severe health consequences across the globe. ‘I will not back away from my conviction that international family planning programs are in America’s best interests,’ Kerry said. ‘We should resist pressures in this country for heavy-handed Washington mandates that ignore basic choices that should belong to free people around the globe.’" (Andrew Miga and Laurel J. Sweet, "Bush Move Sparks Abortion Firestorm," Boston Herald, 1/23/01)

Kerry Says Reversing Mexico City Policy Would Be His First Executive Order. LARRY KING: "What would be the first executive order?" KERRY: "Reverse the Mexico City policy on the gag rule so that we take a responsible position globally on family planning." (CNN/Los Angeles Times, Democrat Presidential Candidate Debate, Los Angeles, CA, 2/26/04)

In 2003, Kerry Voiced His Support For "Population Control Efforts Around The World." "[I] think that tonight we have to make it clear that we are not going to turn back the clock. There is no overturning of Roe v. Wade. There is no packing of the courts with judges who will be hostile to choice. There is no denial of choice to poor women in the United States. There is no outlawing of a procedure necessary to save a woman’s life or health and there are no more cutbacks on population control efforts around the world. We need to take on this President and all of the forces of intolerance on this issue. We need to honestly and confidently and candidly take this issue out to the country and we need to speak up and be proud of what we stand for." (Sen. John Kerry [D-MA], Remarks At NARAL Pro-Choice America Dinner, 1/21/03)

Litmus Test For Judicial Nominees

Kerry Stated He Would Only Support Nominees Who Pledge To Uphold Roe V. Wade. "The potential retirement of Supreme Court justices makes the 2004 presidential election especially important for women, Senator John F. Kerry told a group of female Democrats yesterday, and he pledged that if elected president he would nominate to the high court only supporters of abortion rights under its Roe v. Wade decision. ... ‘Any president ought to appoint people to the Supreme Court who understand the Constitution and its interpretation by the Supreme Court. In my judgment, it is and has been settled law that women, Americans, have a defined right of privacy and that the government does not make the decision with respect to choice. Individuals do.’" (Glen Johnson, "Kerry Vows Court Picks To Be Abortion-Rights Supporters," The Boston Globe, 4/9/03)
Kerry Said He Would Filibuster Any Pro-Life Supreme Court Nominee. "The Supreme Court hangs in the balance and the next justices will determine whether we move forward or backward. Therefore, I will filibuster any Supreme Court nominee who would turn back the clock on the right to choose, on civil rights and individual liberties, on the laws protecting workers and the environment." (Sen. John Kerry, A Call To Service, 2003, p. 182)

Human Cloning

In 1998, Kerry Voted Against Invoking Cloture To Human Cloning Prohibition Act. (S. 1601, Roll Call Vote #10: Motion Rejected 42-54: R 42-12; D 0-42, 2/11/98, Kerry Voted Nay)

Kerry Supports So-Called "Therapeutic" Cloning. "While I oppose cloning for the purposes of creating a human being, I do support therapeutic cloning that has the potential to help cure many diseases." (Sen. John Kerry As Quoted In "Q&A: The Democratic Candidates On Higher Education," The Chronicle of Higher Education, 1/23/04)

Euthanasia

In 1996, Kerry Said He Could Support Assisted Suicide Under "Extreme Circumstances." "On assisted suicide, Kerry said he could support it under extreme circumstances, as long as the patient, doctor and family agreed ‘death might be appropriate.’" (Matt Devine, "Candidates Tone Down Attacks In Fourth Debate," The Patriot Ledger, 8/20/96)

In 1999, Kerry Said He ‘Personally Opposes’ Euthanasia, But "Medical Professionals" Should "Work With Patients To Make Decisions" About Drugs. "Both Massachusetts senators said they oppose physician-assisted suicide, but have reservations about sanctioning a government role in the decision. ‘I personally oppose euthanasia, but I think it's doctors and medical professionals who need to work with patients to make decisions about the use of drugs,’ Senator John F. Kerry said." (Anne E. Kornblut, "Ban On Prescribing Drugs For Suicide Gets House OK," The Boston Globe, 10/28/99)

School Choice

In 1996, Kerry Voted Four Times Against Giving Low-Income D.C. Children School Choice Option. (H.R. 2546, CQ Vote #20: Rejected 54-44: R 50-2; D 4-42, 2/27/96, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2546, CQ Vote #21: Rejected 52-42: R 48-1; D 4-41, 2/29/96, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2546, CQ Vote #23: Rejected 53-43: R 49-2; D 4-41, 3/5/96, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2546, CQ Vote #25: Rejected 56-44: R 51-2; D 5-42, 3/12/96, Kerry Voted Nay)

In 2003, Kerry Said Voucher Program Should Not Be A Moral Argument, And That School Choice Would Abandon Students Left In Public Schools. "[W]e have to guarantee that vouchers are not made into an argument that somehow there’s a morality in taking care of kids, 50 of them, and abandoning 4,000 in the school behind them. I refuse to accept that." (Sen. John Kerry, Congressional Black Caucus Institute Debate, 9/9/03)

Last November, Kerry Said Vouchers Would "Destroy Inner City Schools" And Leave "Even More Children Behind." "We need a President who will tell the truth about vouchers - that they weaken public education, make it harder to build good citizens, and hurt those most in need. Don’t cry crocodile tears for inner city kids while trying in effect to destroy inner city schools. Vouchers aren’t choice; they’re a bad choice that would leave even more children behind." (Sen. John Kerry, Remarks In Council Bluffs, IA, 11/25/03)

As President, Kerry Would Veto "Vouchers Or Voucher-Like Programs." "[Vouchers] don’t reform our public schools - they run away from them. ... I have never supported vouchers. I will never support them. And if it ever comes to my desk, I’ll veto vouchers or voucher-like programs the day that bill arrives." (Sen. John Kerry, Remarks In Council Bluffs, IA, 11/25/03)

Religion On Campaign Trail

Kerry: "I Am Saying That I Don’t Believe We Should Raise Religion As A Matter Of Political Strategy. That’s What I’m Saying." (Sen. Kerry, CNBC’s "Capital Report," 1/8/04)

Kerry Used Scripture To Criticize "Our Present National Leadership." "John Kerry cited a Bible verse Sunday to criticize leaders who have ‘faith but has no deeds,’ prompting President Bush’s spokesman to accuse Kerry of exploiting Scripture for a political attack. Kerry never mentioned Bush by name during his speech at New North Side Baptist Church, but aimed his criticism at ‘our present national leadership.’ Kerry cited Scripture in his appeal for the worshippers, including James 2:14, ‘What good is it, my brothers, if a man claims to have faith but has no deeds?’ ‘The Scriptures say, what does it profit, my brother, if someone says he has faith but does not have works?’ Kerry said. ‘When we look at what is happening in America today, where are the works of compassion?’" (Nedra Pickler, "Bush Campaign Blasts Kerry’s Bible Quote," The Associated Press, 3/28/04)

Time: "Kerry Has At Times Put A Pious Cast On His Own Rhetoric." "Polls consistently show that Americans prefer their leaders to be religious, and in running to unseat the most openly devout President in recent years, Kerry has at times put a pious cast on his own rhetoric. In a speech at a Mississippi church on March 7, he said Bush does not practice the ‘compassionate conservatism’ he preaches, and quoted James 2:14, ‘What good is it, my brothers, if a man claims to have faith but has no deeds?’" (Karen Tumulty and Perry Bacon Jr., "A Test Of Kerry’s Faith," Time, 4/5/04)

In 1996, Kerry Complained About Senators Voting Against Their Professed Religious Ideals. "Sen. John F. Kerry, speaking at a Roxbury church, complained yesterday that some of his fellow senators profess Christian beliefs while voting in ways that contradict those ideals. Addressing the congregation of the Twelfth Baptist Church, Kerry said he often feels torn at Senate prayer breakfasts as he meets colleagues who seem to lack compassion in public life. ‘To be candid, I struggle when I sit next to someone who says they’re born again, but votes against child care, votes to cut 12- to 18-year-old kids off Medicaid,’ Kerry said." (Michael Grunwald, "Kerry Tells Congregation Votes Should Match Faith," The Boston Globe, 10/21/96)

And Called On Politicians To Run Their Life "In A Christian Way." "After a few remarks about the apostle Paul, Kerry decried the ‘difference between the rhetoric and the reality’ in politics, urging politicians, ‘Run your life in a Christian way.’" (Michael Grunwald, "Kerry Tells Congregation Votes Should Match Faith," The Boston Globe, 10/21/96)

Now Kerry Defends Positions At Odds With His Church. "Kerry is Roman Catholic, but his support for abortion rights is at odds with Vatican teachings. ‘I don’t tell church officials what to do, and church officials shouldn’t tell American politicians what to do in the context of our public life,’ Kerry said ..." (Nedra Pickler, "Bush Campaign Blasts Kerry’s Bible Quote," The Associated Press, 3/28/04)

Says He Shares Catholic Church’s Anti-Abortion Views, But Says Public Officials Shouldn’t Impose Views On Others. "On abortion, Kerry said that he - as a Catholic - does share his church’s anti-abortion views ‘as an article of faith.’ But as a public official, he said he didn’t believe he had the right to impose such views on others." (Jo Mannies, "Candidates: Bush Must Go," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 1/29/04)

Footnotes
1. (S. Con. Res. 13, CQ Vote # 178: Rejected 31-69: R 31-23; D 0-46, 5/23/95, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1357, CQ Vote #552: Motion Agreed To 53-46: R 50-3; D 3-43, 10/27/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2491, CQ Vote #556: Passed 52-47: R 52-1; D 0-46, 10/28/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2491, CQ Vote #584: Motion Agreed To 52-47: R 52-1; D 0-46, 11/18/95, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1415, CQ Vote #154: Rejected 48-50: R 5-49; D 43-1, 6/10/98, Kerry Voted Yea; S. 2312, CQ Vote #242: Motion Rejected 48-51: R 4-50; D 44-1, 7/29/98, Kerry Voted Yea; S. 1429, CQ Vote #230: Rejected 46-54: R 45-9; D 0-45; I 1-0, 7/29/99, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1429 CQ Vote #247: Passed 57-43: R 52-2; D 4-41; I 1-0, 7/30/99, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2488, CQ Vote #261: Adopted 50-49: R 49-4; D 0-45; I 1-0, 8/5/99, Kerry Voted Nay; S. Con. Res. 101, CQ Vote #68: Rejected 44-56: R 5-50; D 39-6, 4/7/00, Kerry Voted Yea; H. Con. Res. 290, CQ Vote #79: Adopted 51-45: R 51-2; D 0-43, 4/7/00, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 6, CQ Vote #82: Rejected 53-45: R 53-1; D 0-44, 4/13/00, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 6, CQ Vote #83: Rejected 53-45: R 53-1; D 0-44, 4/13/00, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 290, CQ Vote #85: Adopted 50-48: R 50-4; D 0-44, 4/13/00, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R.4810, CQ Vote #213: Rejected 20-79: R 1-53; D 19-26, 7/18/00, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 4810, CQ Vote #214: Adopted 54-45: R 54-0; D 0-45, 7/18/00, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 4810, CQ Vote #215: Passed 61-38: R 53-1; D 8-37, 7/18/00, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 83, CQ Vote #79: Adopted 50-50: R 49-1; D 1-49, With Vice President Cheney Casting A "Yea" Vote, 4/5/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 83, CQ Vote #86: Adopted 65-35: R 50-0; D 15-35, 4/6/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 83, CQ Vote #98: Adopted 53-47: R 48-2; D 5-45, 5/10/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 1836, CQ Vote #165: Passed 62-38: R 50-0; D 12-38, 5/23/01, Kerry Voted Nay; S. Con. Res. 95, CQ Vote #36: Rejected 47-52: R 1-50; D 45-2; I 1-0, 3/10/04, Kerry Voted Yea)

2. (S. Con. Res. 95, CQ Vote #36: Rejected 47-52: R 1-50; D 45-2; I 1-0, 3/10/04, Kerry Voted Yea; S. Con. Res. 23, CQ Vote #108: Adopted 56-44: R 50-1; D 6-42; I 0-1, 3/26/03, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 95, CQ Vote #134: Adopted 51-50: R 49-2; D 1-47; D 0-1, With Vice President Cheney Casting A "Yea" Vote, 4/11/03, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2, CQ Vote #196: Adopted 51-50: R 48-3; D 2-46; I 0-1, With Vice President Cheney Casting A "Yea" Vote, 5/23/03, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2, CQ Vote #179: Passed 51-49: R 48-3; D 3-45; I 0-1, 5/15/03, Kerry Voted Nay; S. Con. Res. 23, CQ Vote #106: Rejected 48-52: R 47-4; D 1-47; I 0-1, 3/26/03, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 1836, CQ Vote #165: Passed 62-38: R 50-0; D 12-38, 5/23/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 83, CQ Vote #86: Adopted 65-35: R 50-0; D 15-35, 4/6/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 83, CQ Vote #98: Adopted 53-47: R 48-2; D 5-45, 5/10/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2014, CQ Vote #160: Passed 80-18: R 51-4; D 29-14, 6/27/97, Kerry Voted Nay; S. Con. Res. 57, CQ Vote #151: Motion Agreed To 57-43: R 50-3; D 7-40, 5/23/96, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con Res. 178, CQ Vote #159: Adopted 53-46: R 53-0; D 0-46, 6/13/96, Kerry Voted Nay; S. Con. Res. 13, CQ Vote #178, Rejected 31-69: R 31-23; D 0-46, 5/23/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 67, CQ Vote #296: Adopted 54-46: R 54-0; D 0-46, 6/29/95, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1357, CQ Vote #552: Motion Agreed To 53-46: R 50-3; D 3-43, 10/27/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2491, CQ Vote #556: Passed 52-47: R 52-1; D 0-46, 10/28/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2491, CQ Vote #584: Motion Agreed To 52-47: R 52-1; D 0-46, 11/18/95, Kerry Voted Nay; S. Con. Res. 63, CQ Vote #66: Rejected 42-58: R 42-2; D 0-56, 3/23/94, Kerry Voted Nay)

3. (H.R. 11, CQ Vote #243: Motion Agreed To 46-30: R 1-30; D 45-0, 9/26/92, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 2491, CQ Vote #584: Motion Agreed To 52-47: R 52-1; D 0-46, 11/18/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2491, CQ Vote #556: Passed 52-47: R 52-1; D 0-46, 10/28/95, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1357, CQ Vote #552: Motion Agreed To 53-46: R 50-3; D 3-43, 10/27/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 83, CQ Vote #86: Adopted 65-35: R 50-0; D 15-35, 4/6/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H. Con. Res. 83, CQ Vote #98: Adopted 53-47: R 48-2; D 5-45, 5/10/01, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 1836, CQ Vote #165: Passed 62-38: R 50-0; D 12-38, 5/23/01, Kerry Voted Nay)

4. (H.R. 2965, CQ Vote #255: Motion Rejected 46-46: R 17-31; D 29-15, 10/24/85, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 2965, CQ Vote #274: Motion Rejected 47-48: R 35-17; D 12-31, 11/1/85, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 5175, CQ Vote #263: Adopted 48-42: R 16-33; D 32-9, 9/16/86, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 2713, CQ Vote #289: Motion Agreed To 60-39: R 16-30; D 44-9, 9/30/87, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 4776, CQ Vote #232: Motion Agreed To 49-37: R 16-25; D 33-12, 7/7/88, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 4776, CQ Vote #233: Motion Agreed To 51-34: R 16-24; D 35-10, 7/7/88, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 4783, CQ Vote #268: Adopted 73-19: R 39-5; D 34-14, 7/27/88, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 4776, CQ Vote #348: Motion Agreed To 45-44: R 31-10; D 14-34, 9/30/88, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 4404, CQ Vote #68: Ruling Of The Chair Rejected 45-51: R 34-10; D 11-41, 4/27/90, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 4404, CQ Vote #69: Ruled Germane 54-42: R 12-32; D 42-10, 4/27/90, Kerry Voted Yea; S. 110, CQ Vote #252: Adopted 62-36: R 16-27; D 46-9, 9/25/90, Kerry Voted Yea; S. 322, CQ Vote #254: Passed 73-26: R 20-23; D 53-3, 10/1/92, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 2403, CQ #235: Ruled Not Germane 48-51: R 36-7; D 12-44, 8/3/93, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2518, CQ Vote #290: Rejected 40-59: R 6-38; D 34-21, 9/28/93, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 2020, CQ Vote #369: Adopted 52-41: R 15-35; D 37-6, 8/5/95, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 2020, CQ Vote #370: Adopted 50-44: R 40-10; D 10-34, 8/7/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2020, CQ Vote #371: Rejected 45-49: R 9-41; D 36-8, 8/7/95, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 2076, CQ Vote #478: Motion Agreed To 52-44: R 43-9; D 9-35, 9/29/95, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1357, CQ Vote #539: Motion Rejected 55-44: R 46-7; D 9-37, 10/27/95, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1357, CQ Vote #542: Motion Agreed To 56-43: R 46-7; D 10-36, 10/27/95, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 3019, CQ Vote #38: Rejected 45-55: R 6-47; D 39-8, 3/19/96, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 3756, CQ Vote #284: Motion Agreed To 53-45: R 43-9; D 10-36, 9/11/96, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 947, CQ Vote #129: Rejected 39-61: R 5-50; D 34-11, 6/25/97, Kerry Voted Yea; S. 1023, CQ Vote #190: Adopted 54-45: R 48-7; D 6-38, 7/22/97, Kerry Voted Nay; S. 1282, CQ Vote #197: Motion Rejected 47-51: R 7-46; D 40-5, 7/1/99, Kerry Voted Yea)

5. (H.R. 5257, CQ Vote #266: Motion Rejected 48-48: R 8-34; D 40-14, 10/12/90, Kerry Voted Yea; S. 323, CQ Vote #131, Adopted 52-47: R 38-5; D 14-42, 7/16/91, Kerry Voted Nay; H.R. 2707, CQ Vote #185: Rejected 45-55: R 31-12; D 14-43, 9/11/91, Kerry Voted Nay)

6. (H.R. 5005, CQ Vote #218: Motion Rejected 50-49: R 0-48; D 49-1; I 1-0, 9/19/02, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 5005, CQ Vote #225: Motion Rejected 49-49: R 1-47; D 47-2; I 1-0, 9/25/02, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 5005, CQ Vote #226: Motion Rejected 50-49: R 1-48; D 48-1; I 1-0, 9/26/02, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 5005, CQ Vote #227: Motion Rejected 44-53: R 1-46; D 42-7; I 1-0, 9/26/02, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 5005, CQ Vote #228: Motion Rejected 45-52: R 2-46; D 42-6; I 1-0, 10/1/02, Kerry Voted Yea; H.R. 5005, CQ Vote #241: Motion Agreed To 50-47: R 48-0; D 1-46; I 1-1, 11/13/02, Kerry Voted Nay)